{"id":4541,"date":"2020-03-20T19:23:42","date_gmt":"2020-03-20T19:23:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/transparenciaelectoral.org\/caoeste\/?p=4541"},"modified":"2025-07-26T23:57:47","modified_gmt":"2025-07-27T02:57:47","slug":"democracia-sin-representacion-es-democracia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/transparenciaelectoral.org\/caoeste\/democracia-sin-representacion-es-democracia\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00bfDemocracia sin representaci\u00f3n es democracia?"},"content":{"rendered":"

La representatividad pol\u00edtica en Brasil a treinta y dos a\u00f1os de la Constituci\u00f3n federal de 1988.<\/em><\/p>\n

[button link=\u00bbhttps:\/\/transparenciaelectoral.org\/caoeste\/democracia-sem-representatividade-e-democracia\/\u00bb color=\u00bbsilver\u00bb newwindow=\u00bbyes\u00bb] ACCESE O ARTIGO EM PORTUGUES AQUI[\/button]<\/p>\n

\"Juliana<\/p>\n

Cuando se instituy\u00f3 en un Estado de derecho democr\u00e1tico, des\u00adde la promulgaci\u00f3n de la Constituci\u00f3n de 1988, Brasil inici\u00f3 un proceso de (re) democratizaci\u00f3n, en la medida en que, a trav\u00e9s de pol\u00edticas alineadas con el nuevo orden constitucional, se pro\u00adgramaron varias medidas, entre ellas garant\u00eda de di\u00e1logo inte\u00adrinstitucional y promoci\u00f3n efectiva y participaci\u00f3n popular en el proceso de toma de decisiones.<\/p>\n

Casi 32 a\u00f1os despu\u00e9s de la entrada en vigor de la Constituci\u00f3n Federal, a\u00fan enfrentamos serios problemas relacionados con la crisis de representatividad pol\u00edtica en nuestro pa\u00eds, liderados por grupos que representan una porci\u00f3n minoritaria de la sociedad.<\/p>\n

Y luego, depende de nosotros, enfatizar y reiterar que, incluso, manteniendo un discurso de manipulaci\u00f3n, insistimos en consi\u00adderar a las minor\u00edas de hecho, como si las mayor\u00edas legales y pol\u00edticas fueran, y viceversa: mujeres, negros, quilombolas, ind\u00ed\u00adgenas. pobre, …; sin lugar a dudas, todos constituyen el n\u00facleo b\u00e1sico y mayoritario de nuestra sociedad que, ciegamente, est\u00e1 representado por aquellos que, por regla general, no integran esta mayor\u00eda objetiva, dej\u00e1ndolos sin palabras, sin espacio, sin medidas que satisfagan sus demandas reales.<\/p>\n

Al invertir conceptos b\u00e1sicos como los de mayor\u00eda y minor\u00eda para la construcci\u00f3n de nuestra democracia, sea cual sea el discurso que los justifique, nos enfrentamos a una crisis de representa\u00adtividad en los espacios de poder m\u00e1s diversos, de modo que – es esencial adoptar acciones que sean capaces, al menos, de garantizar la participaci\u00f3n de las personas, aunque sea indirec\u00adtamente, pero proporcionadas por quienes realmente las repre\u00adsentan.<\/p>\n

En este contexto, y para reducir la brecha de representatividad que se presenta, buscamos, a trav\u00e9s de la legislaci\u00f3n, la par\u00adticipaci\u00f3n de las mujeres en la pol\u00edtica, una lucha que a\u00fan ca\u00adrece de resultados adecuados para la poblaci\u00f3n femenina en la sociedad brasile\u00f1a, y lejos de ser suficiente para garantizar la inclusi\u00f3n otros grupos igualmente, o m\u00e1s, fuera de la pol\u00edtica representativa.<\/p>\n

Especialmente necesitado, especialmente cuando, por falta de respeto a otra base axiol\u00f3gica que subsidi\u00f3 el dise\u00f1o y la cons\u00adtrucci\u00f3n de nuestro texto constitucional, y gu\u00eda su interpretaci\u00f3n y aplicaci\u00f3n, identificamos la ausencia de di\u00e1logo interinstitucio\u00adnal con el prop\u00f3sito de no solo tener respeto mutuo en relaci\u00f3n con las decisiones relativas a cada poder \/ \u00f3rgano, as\u00ed como para garantizar la efectividad de la democracia, a trav\u00e9s de la representatividad.<\/p>\n

Como existe una legislaci\u00f3n que requiere un porcentaje m\u00ednimo de candidatura para el g\u00e9nero, a\u00fan no alcanza lo que necesita\u00admos para garantizar la legitimidad democr\u00e1tica con respecto a esta representatividad, comenzando por la sociedad y los parti\u00addos pol\u00edticos, considerando la necesidad de una afiliaci\u00f3n previa para que dicha participaci\u00f3n popular tiene efecto en la composi\u00adci\u00f3n de espacios en los poderes: todos deber\u00edamos esforzarnos por impulsar el desempe\u00f1o de las mujeres en estos entornos p\u00fablicos, por lo que carecemos de acciones dirigidas al celo por el bien com\u00fan.<\/p>\n

Los poderes, Ejecutivo, Legislativo y Judicial, en honor al com\u00adpromiso asumido para actuar sobre bases y valores democr\u00e1\u00adticos, y \/ o contramayor\u00eda (en el caso del Poder Judicial en re\u00adlaci\u00f3n con la mayor\u00eda entendida en el sentido de la pol\u00edtica y la ley), no deben estar compuestos para el posiciones de mando casi exclusivamente por hombres y adoptando medidas discrimi\u00adnatorias o que excluyan a las mujeres; en un contexto de estan\u00addarizaci\u00f3n que en todo momento necesita atenci\u00f3n para que no se nos quite lo poco que se ha reconocido; impidi\u00e9ndonos, final\u00admente, tener acceso a los puestos para los que fueron elegidos, en un movimiento casi autom\u00e1tico para revocar mandatos, sin la m\u00e1s m\u00ednima intenci\u00f3n de garantizar la realizaci\u00f3n del mayor bien del Derecho que deber\u00eda ser el de la Justicia Social.<\/p>\n

Sin la cooperaci\u00f3n de la sociedad civil, los partidos pol\u00edticos y las instituciones gubernamentales, el proceso de representaci\u00f3n de las mujeres en la pol\u00edtica continuar\u00e1 (\u00a1porque no dejaremos de pelear!). Sin embargo, con pasos cortos y por una raz\u00f3n \u2018simple\u2019: no hay lugar para todos, Entonces, \u00bfqui\u00e9n tiene libre acceso al poder tendr\u00e1 que irse para que nosotros entremos … y qui\u00e9n quiere irse, incluso bajo la garant\u00eda del discurso de la democra\u00adcia?<\/p>\n

\u00bfExiste, entonces, democracia sin representaci\u00f3n? \u00bfO es mejor garantizar una pseudodemocracia en un proceso interminable de construcci\u00f3n y, por lo tanto, asegurarse de que el espacio pol\u00edtico ya est\u00e9 reservado y no sea para todos?<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[author] [author_image timthumb=’on’][\/author_image] [author_info]Juliana Rodrigues Freitas<\/p>\n

Doctora en Derecho (2010 – UFPA \/ Universit\u00e0 di Pisa – Italia). M\u00e1ster en Derechos Humanos (2003 – UFPA). Postgrado en Derecho del Estado (2006 – Universidad Carlos III de Madrid – Espa\u00f1a). Graduado en Derecho (1998 – Universidad del Amazonas). Act\u00faa como Consultor Legal y Abogado en el \u00e1rea electoral y municipal. Profesor de Licenciatura y Maestr\u00eda en Derecho en el Centro Universitario del Estado de Par\u00e1 – CESUPA. Miembro fundador de la Academia Brasile\u00f1a de Derecho Electoral y Pol\u00edtico – ABRADEP.[\/author_info] [\/author]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

La representatividad pol\u00edtica en Brasil a treinta y dos a\u00f1os de la Constituci\u00f3n federal de 1988. 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