{"version":"1.0","provider_name":"Transparencia Electoral","provider_url":"https:\/\/transparenciaelectoral.org\/blog","author_name":"Transparencia Electoral","author_url":"https:\/\/transparenciaelectoral.org\/blog\/author\/transparencia-electoral\/","title":"Parlasur: sobrerrepresentaci\u00f3n partidaria y de g\u00e9nero. - Transparencia Electoral","type":"rich","width":600,"height":338,"html":"<blockquote class=\"wp-embedded-content\" data-secret=\"41g4d7TmZS\"><a href=\"https:\/\/transparenciaelectoral.org\/blog\/parlasur-sobrerrepresentacion-partidaria-y-de-genero\/\">Parlasur: sobrerrepresentaci\u00f3n partidaria y de g\u00e9nero.<\/a><\/blockquote><iframe sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" src=\"https:\/\/transparenciaelectoral.org\/blog\/parlasur-sobrerrepresentacion-partidaria-y-de-genero\/embed\/#?secret=41g4d7TmZS\" width=\"600\" height=\"338\" title=\"\u00abParlasur: sobrerrepresentaci\u00f3n partidaria y de g\u00e9nero.\u00bb \u2014 Transparencia Electoral\" data-secret=\"41g4d7TmZS\" frameborder=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0\" marginheight=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" class=\"wp-embedded-content\"><\/iframe><script type=\"text\/javascript\">\n\/* <![CDATA[ *\/\n\/*! This file is auto-generated *\/\n!function(d,l){\"use strict\";l.querySelector&&d.addEventListener&&\"undefined\"!=typeof URL&&(d.wp=d.wp||{},d.wp.receiveEmbedMessage||(d.wp.receiveEmbedMessage=function(e){var t=e.data;if((t||t.secret||t.message||t.value)&&!\/[^a-zA-Z0-9]\/.test(t.secret)){for(var s,r,n,a=l.querySelectorAll('iframe[data-secret=\"'+t.secret+'\"]'),o=l.querySelectorAll('blockquote[data-secret=\"'+t.secret+'\"]'),c=new RegExp(\"^https?:$\",\"i\"),i=0;i<o.length;i++)o[i].style.display=\"none\";for(i=0;i<a.length;i++)s=a[i],e.source===s.contentWindow&&(s.removeAttribute(\"style\"),\"height\"===t.message?(1e3<(r=parseInt(t.value,10))?r=1e3:~~r<200&&(r=200),s.height=r):\"link\"===t.message&&(r=new URL(s.getAttribute(\"src\")),n=new URL(t.value),c.test(n.protocol))&&n.host===r.host&&l.activeElement===s&&(d.top.location.href=t.value))}},d.addEventListener(\"message\",d.wp.receiveEmbedMessage,!1),l.addEventListener(\"DOMContentLoaded\",function(){for(var e,t,s=l.querySelectorAll(\"iframe.wp-embedded-content\"),r=0;r<s.length;r++)(t=(e=s[r]).getAttribute(\"data-secret\"))||(t=Math.random().toString(36).substring(2,12),e.src+=\"#?secret=\"+t,e.setAttribute(\"data-secret\",t)),e.contentWindow.postMessage({message:\"ready\",secret:t},\"*\")},!1)))}(window,document);\n\/\/# sourceURL=https:\/\/transparenciaelectoral.org\/blog\/wp-includes\/js\/wp-embed.min.js\n\/* ]]> *\/\n<\/script>\n","thumbnail_url":"https:\/\/transparenciaelectoral.org\/blog\/wp-content\/uploads\/2015\/08\/Parlasur-1-1.jpg","thumbnail_width":300,"thumbnail_height":168,"description":"Por Leandro Querido. Hay dos formas de consagrar leyes electorales. Una de ellas implica la b\u00fasqueda de amplios consensos legislativos, dado que se trata de las normas que regulan la competencia por la cual se distribuyen los cargos en juego. En una democracia sana esto es de vital importancia. En cambio, la otra es la &hellip;"}